Abstract
Hazing rituals and ceremonies have been described in traditional, historical world cultures, junior and high school, the military, private schools, paramilitary organizations, fraternities and sororities, as well as sport (Allan and Madden 2008; Bryshun and Young 1999; Campo, Poulos, and Sipple 2005; Fields, Collins, and Comstock 2010; Johnson 2000, 2009; Linhares de Albuquerque and Paes-Machado 2004; Nuwer 1999; Winslow 1999; Zacharda 2009). Student athletes often endure hazing practices with 80% of NCAA ath- letes reporting some form of initiation (Hoover 1999) in exchange for member- ship affiliation. This qualitative study compared the similarities and deviations between contemporary initiations and historical traditions defining both the im- portance of cultures to establish “Rites of Passage” membership gateways and metamorphoses from nonmember to group. Results indicated that despite often abusive hazing ceremonies in sport, marked by hierarchies, power imbalances, and, at times, criminal behaviour, there still exists a demand for an entry rit- ual by the rookie contingency to mark their membership and identity within the team structure. Hazing traditions continue in the belief in what Turner (1986) describes as Communitas, despite indications from participants that hazing frac- tured relationships on the team — a marked contradiction of Communitas. Key Words: sport, hazing, communitas, rites of passage, abuse, cohesion. Résumé. Les rituels et les cérémonies de bizutage ont été décris dans les cultures traditionnelles et historiques à travers le monde, dans les écoles secondaires, l’armée, les écoles privées, les organisations paramilitaires, les fraternités, les as- sociations étudiantes, ainsi que dans les sports (Allan et Madden 2008; Bryshun et Young 1999; Campo Poulos et Sipple 2005; Fields Collins et Comstock 2010; Johnson 2000, 2009; Linhares de Albuquerque et Paes-Machado 2004; Nuwer 1999; Winslow 1999; Zacharda 2009). Les athlètes étudiants endurent sou- vent des pratiques de bizutage, 80% des athlètes de la NCAA ont signalé avoir été initié d’une certaine façon (Hoover 1999) en échange d’une adhésion à un
Young 1999; Campo Poulos et Sipple 2005; Fields Collins et Comstock 2010; Johnson 2000, 2009; Linhares de Albuquerque et Paes-Machado 2004; Nuwer 1999; Winslow 1999; Zacharda 2009). Les athlètes étudiants endurent sou- vent des pratiques de bizutage, 80% des athlètes de la NCAA ont signalé avoir été initié d’une certaine façon (Hoover 1999) en échange d’une adhésion à un
200 © C anadian Journal of Sociology/Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 36(3) 2011 groupe. Cette étude qualitative à comparé les ressemblances et les déviations entre les initiations contemporaines et les traditions historiques qui définissent l’importance des cultures pour établir les « Rites de Passages» lors de l’adhé- sion à un groupe et les métamorphoses du non-membre au groupe. Les résultats indiquent que malgré les fréquentes cérémonies de bizutage abusives dans les sports, marquées par des hiérarchies, des déséquilibres du pouvoir, et parfois par des comportements criminels, il existe toujours une demande de rituel d’entrée chez les nouvelles recrues afin de marquer leur admission et leur identité au sein de l’équipe. Les traditions de bizutage continuent grâce à la conviction de ce que Turner (1986) décrit comme Communitas, pourtant malgré cette raison mentionnée pour continuer à initier les nouveaux membres, les participants ont indiqué que le bizutage brise les relations dans les équipes, une contre-indication marquée de l’expression des Communitas. Mots clés : sports, bizutage, communitas, rites de passage, abus, cohésion. C anadian and US athletic hazing has recently received high profile media, public, and institutional attention. Culturally over the last decade we have witnessed a paradigmatic shift of meaning, purpose, scrutiny, and criminalization relating to hazing in general and more spe- cifically in sports. As defined by Hoover (1999:8), hazing is “any activity expected of someone joining a group that humiliates, degrades, abuses or endangers, regardless of the person’s willingness to participate.” Ex- amples of typical hazing practices include: personal servitude; sleep deprivation and restrictions on personal hygiene; yelling, swearing, and insulting new members/rookies; being forced to wear embarrassing or humiliating attire in public; consumption of vile substances or smearing of such on one’s skin; brandings; physical beatings; binge drinking and drinking games; sexual simulation; sexual assault or death (Crow and Rosner 2002; Hoover 1999; Srabstein 2008). Several universities, including Vermont and McGill, have cancelled their men’s hockey and football seasons respectively in light of hazing incidents. Many institutions have implemented antihazing policies and most states criminalize hazing. Previously many acts of hazing were not prosecuted; it has only been in
drinking games; sexual simulation; sexual assault or death (Crow and Rosner 2002; Hoover 1999; Srabstein 2008). Several universities, including Vermont and McGill, have cancelled their men’s hockey and football seasons respectively in light of hazing incidents. Many institutions have implemented antihazing policies and most states criminalize hazing. Previously many acts of hazing were not prosecuted; it has only been in the last 10 years that more convictions for sexual assaults, assaults, forcible confinement, and manslaughter have resulted from hazing cases (Crow and MacIntosh 2009). Recent examples include: Anthony Clarke, a wide receiver for the Boise State football team and four others who were charged (December 2010) with forcible sexual penetration, battery, and false imprisonment of fellow athletes in Blackfoot, Idaho. Three former Carmel Indiana senior basket- ball players pled guilty in early January 2011 to assaulting two freshman players on a school bus as a part of their team hazing while returning from an away game (Nuwer, n.d.).
A Comparative Analysis of Communitas and Rites of Passage 201 Cultural rites of passage have been examined globally and socio- anthropologically. Examinations of contemporary sport underline the propensity for teams to confer membership on newcomers (also known as “rookies,” first years, initiates, recruits, pledges, neophytes, or novi- tiates) defined as uninitiated members in their first year on the team, through mandatory, formalized rite of passages, generally called initia- tions or hazing. While sport initiations differ in some ways from his- torical or cultural rites, a shared characteristic of such rites is the “per- ceived” development of communitas. Victor Turner (1986:44) defines communitas as relationships among people, “jointly undergoing ritual transition” through which they can experience an intense sense of intim- acy and equality which can be spontaneous, immediate, and concrete. Many rationales exist for communities to maintain and construct entry rituals including the formation of communitas, identity, cohesion, status, and belonging, yet it is the articulated desire for membership that is the paramount tenet for both teams and traditional cultures (Co- hen 1964; Johnson 2000). However, “membership” also represents the chasm, which divides the basic structure of both of cultural and sporting communities. For example, consider Australian Aborigines or the Ndem- bu where negotiating the rite of passage confers a permanent change of status from that of boy to man in contrast to the more transient member- ship of sport initiations where an athlete’s career may span multiple sport teams or “communities.” This paper examines the function and practice of ritual sports hazing described by participants interviewed. Analytically I employ the three phases of transitional rites of passage as detailed by Van Gennep (1960) comparing the initiation rites of traditional, (primarily) all-male subcul- tures and sport initiation ceremonies. I argue that varsity sport initiation ceremonies and the initiation rituals of other, more ancient cultures are constructed and function in similar ways and articulate the goal of com- munitas as defined by Turner. However, sport initiations that rely upon practices of personal humiliation, degradation, and sexual acts actually prevent the expression of true communitas. I conclude by discussing the benefits of
that varsity sport initiation ceremonies and the initiation rituals of other, more ancient cultures are constructed and function in similar ways and articulate the goal of com- munitas as defined by Turner. However, sport initiations that rely upon practices of personal humiliation, degradation, and sexual acts actually prevent the expression of true communitas. I conclude by discussing the benefits of positive initiation ceremonies and the possibilities for reclaiming these in sports through orientations, or alternatives such as outdoor adventures to traditional hazing practices. The Landscape of Hazing in Canada and the United States In the United States, forty-four states have enacted antihazing laws that vary widely in scope and consequence but are typically restricted
202 © C anadian Journal of Sociology/Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 36(3) 2011 to behaviour occurring in educational arenas (Crow and Rosner 2002). Although some universities have specific Student Athlete Codes of Con- duct policy outlining hazing infractions, the CIS (Canadian Intrauniver- sity Sport) and some Canadian institutions do not have extensive hazing laws or policies, tending instead to defer to the Criminal Code, or in the case of university infractions, utilizing the umbrella Student Code of Conduct on an individual case basis. One point of importance not yet de- scribed in the research is the difference between Canadian and American varsity athletic programs and the role that hazing plays in the lives of athletes. The Canadian varsity system defines the participants as student athletes. This differs from the American system which, at some universi- ties, offers full athletic scholarships including tuition, room, and board in addition to a stipend. It is quite possible that an athlete’s ability, desire, and/or abuse could be mitigated by the fact that they are being initiated in these differing athletic/economic systems. The first issue in need of research in this relatively new area of study is an analysis of gender and hazing; sociologists have only begun to examine the landscapes of meaning and significance of hazing ritual for girls and women in sport. To date the minimal research, national news accounts, and anecdotal evidence of hazing indicate some gender dif- ferences in hazing activities (Allan 2003; Johnson 2000). In general, a common conclusion drawn is that hazing among men is more likely to be violent in nature and hazing among women is more likely to be psycho- logical/emotional in nature, although this demographic is in flux as illus- trated by recent high profile abusive hazing cases involving girls and women (Allan and Madden 2008; Johnson 2000; Nuwer 1999). Such perspectives align with and reinforce predominant understandings of dif- ferences between the genders (Lenskyj 2004). However, it would appear that, over the last decade, greater participation by girls and women in more traditionally “male sporting domains” such as hockey, wrestling, and rugby, has also increased court
cases involving girls and women (Allan and Madden 2008; Johnson 2000; Nuwer 1999). Such perspectives align with and reinforce predominant understandings of dif- ferences between the genders (Lenskyj 2004). However, it would appear that, over the last decade, greater participation by girls and women in more traditionally “male sporting domains” such as hockey, wrestling, and rugby, has also increased court cases and media reports suggesting that the masculinity of the hazing culture is now coursing rapidly and uncritically into the world of organized women’s sport (Nuwer n.d.). In 2004, Dr. Margery Holman and Dr. Jay Johnson coedited a book titled Making the Team: Inside the World of Sport Initiations and Haz- ing. This collection of chapters showcased some of the leading hazing researchers in North America discussing a multitude of areas of contem- porary hazing practices, both in and out of sport. Their research and ob- servations illustrated that many of the initiation practices are configured to introduce new members into the power-based, hierarchical structure of the team and to the masculine model which the initiation ceremony reinforces (Holman 2004). The continuation of potentially harmful, trad-
A Comparative Analysis of Communitas and Rites of Passage 203 itional initiations is contingent on a matrix of factors including the use of alcohol, secrecy, attire, hierarchy, confinement, gender, tradition, hetero- sexism, homoeroticism, misogyny, power, masculinity, cohesion, sym- bolism, ritual, and the cycle of status from initiated to initiator (Lenskyj 2004; Nuwer 2004; Robinson 2004). Initiation ceremonies are cycled and recycled from year to year in the belief that they will serve to forge strong cohesive bonds among the members, united in common goals and drives (Johnson 2000). The haz- ing ceremony offers few opportunities for new members to opt out or question the often abusive nature of the rites of passage. Initiations are pervasive in our society, and are inherently abusive practices which can traumatize and discourage students and rookies. However, many victims of hazing try to make light of their experience in an effort to put it behind them (Crow and Rosner, 2002). Further, in- itiations in sports seem to operate above the law and beyond reproach, although this is slowly changing. Initiations are, in effect, rites of passage used to educate newcomers as to their place in the hierarchical structure of the group and to estab- lish and reinforce notions of masculinity (Holman 2004; Johnson 2000, 2002). In sport, rookies are made aware that the senior players hold the balance of power (Holman, 2004). Hazing, particularly men’s, often con- tains an element of misogyny and homoeroticism to demonize homo- sexuals in an attempt to ensure the initiates are heterosexuals or at least propagate a well defined heterosexual identity (Johnson, 2000, 2007). Rites of Passage Transformative rites of passage accompanying the transformation are found in many societies. Many of these rituals include ceremonies, which in everyday life would be considered barbaric and abusive. The transformative function of the ceremonies, trials and traumatic suffer- ings is to key full social membership (Rakoff 1993; Turner 1969). Arnold Van Gennep’s The Rites of Passage (1960) is arguably the most classic and cited work on initiation rituals; though powerful it has limits notably the Eurocentric male perspective. The three-phase model blended with
be considered barbaric and abusive. The transformative function of the ceremonies, trials and traumatic suffer- ings is to key full social membership (Rakoff 1993; Turner 1969). Arnold Van Gennep’s The Rites of Passage (1960) is arguably the most classic and cited work on initiation rituals; though powerful it has limits notably the Eurocentric male perspective. The three-phase model blended with Victor Turner’s (1969) work provide a useful framework for understanding the structure of many modern day rites of passage, including those used in sport and other predominantly male socializing institutions (Allan and Madden 2008; Beccaria and Sande 2003; Bry- shun and Young 1999; Campo et al. 2005; Fields et al. 2010; Johnson 2000; Linhares de Albuquerque and Paes-Machado 2004; Nuwer 1999; Winslow 1999; Zacharda 2009).
204 © C anadian Journal of Sociology/Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 36(3) 2011 The Structural Similarities of the Ritual Process The central theme of most initiation rites, according to Van Gennep, is the subject’s change in identity. Van Gennep focused on the transforma- tive adolescent rite of passage among Australian aborigines in the 1960s where the adult identity is achieved when the immature child identity is “destroyed.” Cosmologically in this destruction/creation cycle: “the novice is considered dead, and remains dead for the duration of the rite of passage.” Following the rite, “he is resurrected and taught how to live, but differently than in childhood” (1960:75). According to Van Gennep, the death of one identity and the rebirth of another occur in three phases: separation, transition (liminality), and incorporation. Phase 1 — Separation (Preinitiation Anxiety) Phase During the separation (or, pre-anxiety) phase, past ties are severed; in the strictest sense this refers to a physical separation. In the figurative, it signifies a disconnection from one’s previous identity and the potential ascription of a new identity. Another mark of distinction accompanying the initiation rite is the changing of a person’s name. An individual’s name is equivalent to his true existence as a “being” (Cohen 1964:87). Since a change in name therefore constitutes a change in identity, a new name is often bestowed upon a youth during his rite of passage. This new name is commonly regarded as sacred (especially in fraternities, the military, and sport) and uninitiated persons are often not allowed to use it (Cohen 1964; Johnson 2000; Linhares and Paes-Machado 2004; Nuwer 1999). The name changes from “civilian” to “recruit” in the example of the military police in Brazil, (Linhares and Paes-Machado 2004), from “pledge” to “brother/sister” in fraternities/sororities (Nuwer 1999), and from “tryout” to “rookie” in the context of sport (Johnson 2000). Dur- ing the pre-initiation phase, “rookies” are separated from the veterans and stories are often conveyed of what might happen to them during the initiation phase. Designed to fill the novitiate with a sense of anxiety at the upcoming trials, the descriptions are often aggrandized to elicit fear.
and from “tryout” to “rookie” in the context of sport (Johnson 2000). Dur- ing the pre-initiation phase, “rookies” are separated from the veterans and stories are often conveyed of what might happen to them during the initiation phase. Designed to fill the novitiate with a sense of anxiety at the upcoming trials, the descriptions are often aggrandized to elicit fear. Phase 2 — The Liminal/Transition (Hazing) Phase The liminal/transition (or, hazing) phase is marked by the symbolic death of the initiate. The former identity is shed, and the initiate enters a “liminal” or “in-between” phase between the now dead “self” and the future, postinitiation identity. During this time of transition, the athlete/ initiate must undergo the hazing and tests of fortitude that character-
Description
The paper examines hazing rituals in sports and their implications for team membership and identity.